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The political trajectory of Nigeria in 2025 was defined by a sharp dichotomy regarding gender equity: while ambitious legislative frameworks were proposed to institutionalize inclusion, political realities on the ground often contradicted these aspirations. The year served as a litmus test for the country’s readiness to move beyond rhetoric, with the discourse dominated by the struggle for parliamentary representation and the volatile nature of women’s tenure in high office.

Central to the legislative agenda was the aggressive push for the ‘Special Seats Bill,’ a constitutional alteration proposal championed by the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Kalu. This ambitious piece of legislation aims to create 74 additional seats in the National Assembly and 108 across State Assemblies, exclusively reserved for women. If ratified, this would expand the legislative ecosystem significantly, offering a structural remedy to the chronic underrepresentation of women. However, this potential institutional victory stood in stark contrast to the executive branch’s performance. Two years into the administration of President Bola Tinubu, the promised 35 percent affirmative action remains unfulfilled, with female ministerial appointments hovering at a mere 17 percent and silence persisting on the five gender bills rejected during the previous administration.

At the state level, the fragility of female political power was dramatically illustrated in Lagos. The historic appointment of Mojisola Meranda as the first female Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly was unceremoniously cut short after just 49 days. Her resignation, prompted by the forcible return of former Speaker Mudashiru Obasa backed by security operatives, underscored the precarious nature of leadership positions held by women in male-dominated enclaves. This event suggested that without statutory protection, political milestones can be reversed as quickly as they are achieved.

The year was also marked by high-stakes interpersonal conflict within the Senate, most notably the prolonged standoff between Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and Senate President Godswill Akpabio. What began as a dispute over seating arrangements escalated into serious allegations of sexual harassment and a subsequent six-month suspension of the Kogi senator. The incident, which sparked the ‘We are all Natasha’ movement, exposed deep institutional gaps in handling internal grievances and protecting members from retaliation, highlighting the urgent need for independent investigative mechanisms within the legislative body.

Judicially, the landscape was equally turbulent. The presidency’s controversial attempt to pardon Maryam Sanda, convicted of killing her husband, triggered a national debate on the boundaries of executive clemency versus judicial accountability. Although the pardon was walked back to a commutation, the Supreme Court ultimately affirmed her death sentence, reinforcing the judiciary’s stance on consequences for capital crimes. Conversely, the courts delivered decisive victories against gender-based violence, securing death sentences for Andrew Ominikoron regarding the BRT femicide case and Peter Nwachukwu for the death of gospel singer Osinachi Nwachukwu. These rulings set a firm precedent against domestic violence and femicide.

As the nation moves forward, the validation of the National Policy on Menstrual Health and Hygiene Management signals progress in social policy. However, the persistent security crisis, evidenced by the abduction of schoolgirls in Kebbi and Niger states, remains a critical failure of governance that disproportionately affects young women. The ultimate test for the coming year will be whether the political class can translate the momentum of the Special Seats Bill into constitutional law, or if it will suffer the same legislative death as its predecessors.